Epstein, Mossad, and the question we are not allowed to ask but must do

The latest release of documents connected to Jeffrey Epstein has reignited a familiar media ritual. Names circulate, while royals and celebrities dominate headlines. Moral outrage flows freely, and safely in directions that neatly avoid the structures of power.

Epstein – the unasked question

But beneath the spectacle lies a question that mainstream commentary continues to avoid, despite its growing inevitability:

Was Epstein operating as part of an intelligence-linked blackmail operation? And if so, for whom?

This is not a conspiracy theory, but a legitimate question that the files themselves provoke.

Epstein’s death in 2019, officially ruled a suicide but shrouded in conspiracy, left a trail of unanswered questions. The financier’s rise from humble Brooklyn teacher to billionaire was always suspicious.

How did a man with no clear business acumen amass such wealth? Epstein’s partner, Ghislaine Maxwell, daughter of media tycoon Robert Maxwell, a confirmed Mossad asset who died under mysterious circumstances in 1991, provides the smoking gun. Multiple Israeli prime ministers attended Robert Maxwell’s funeral, with Shimon Peres delivering the eulogy.

‘Honeytrap’

Former Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe has alleged Epstein and Maxwell ran a “honeytrap” operation for Mossad, luring elites into compromising situations to extract favours or silence. This is no conspiracy theory; it is echoed by Steven Hoffberg, Epstein’s former business partner, who alleged Epstein frequently flaunted his Mossad connections.

Survivor Maria Farmer described the network as a “Jewish supremacist” blackmail ring linked to the Mega group, a cabal of pro-Israel billionaires including Les Wexner, who gifted Epstein his Manhattan mansion.

Epstein held multiple passports (a spy’s toolkit) and reportedly fled to Israel after his first charges in 2008 before securing an extraordinary non-prosecution agreement that allowed him to continue operating freely.

It is also worth noting that Israel has long been a legal and jurisdictional refuge for sexual predators, particularly where extradition would expose intelligence, financial or diplomatic sensitivities.

Israel’s intelligence services, including Mossad, operate globally and extrajudicially by design. Like all major intelligence services, they cultivate leverage, assets and influence networks beyond formal diplomatic channels. Sexual blackmail has been widely documented as one such method across intelligence history, from the Cold War to present.

What distinguishes the Epstein case is not the abstract possibility of intelligence involvement, but the patterned convergence of factors: unexplained wealth, elite access, transnational mobility, institutional protection and repeated investigative shutdowns. These are not the characteristics of a ‘lone wolf’, but of a pernicious foreign influence over celebrities, politicians, bankers and media moguls.

Recent revelations

The most recently released files only amplify these suspicions. An FBI report from a confidential source claims “Trump has been compromised by Israel,” citing leverage through Jared Kushner and Alan Dershowitz. Epstein victim Virginia Giuffre accused Dershowitz, a staunch defender of Israel, of involvement, though she later retracted her statement amid legal pressure.

The scale of Epstein’s reach is difficult to dismiss as coincidence. Across politics, finance, media and celebrity culture, the same names, or at least the same circles, recur with unsettling regularity.

In politics, the record is already public. Former US president Bill Clinton flew on Epstein’s private jet numerous times, a fact acknowledged but persistently minimised. Donald Trump, for his part, publicly described Epstein as a “terrific guy” who enjoyed the company of “beautiful women… on the younger side”. While these statements are not crimes on their own, they are indicators of proximity.

Media power was no less entangled. Senior figures from major broadcasting and publishing empires, from former CBS chief Les Moonves to media baron Rupert Murdoch, surface repeatedly in the documents and testimonies, either through social proximity, shared intermediaries, or financial overlap.

Epstein did not merely socialise with media elites; he embedded himself within institutions capable of shaping coverage, suppressing stories, and disciplining dissent. When journalists attempted to pursue the story aggressively, they encountered legal pressure, editorial resistance, or sudden loss of access.

Hiding in plain sight

Celebrity culture played a complementary role. High-profile figures moved through Epstein’s orbit not necessarily as conspirators, but as legitimising assets. Fame provided cover, glamour, and normalisation.

The presence of globally recognisable names diluted suspicion, transforming what should have been alarming access into social banality. Ironically, it was over-exposure that provided the perfect cover for Epstein’s crimes, rather than secrecy.

Flight logs and visitor records name Hollywood stars like Leonardo DiCaprio, Naomi Campbell, and Kevin Spacey, alongside tech titans such as Bill Gates. While some deny involvement in illicit activities, their proximity to Epstein’s web implies potential leverage over public influencers who mould cultural discourse.

Similarly, major institutions including JPMorgan Chase and Deutsche Bank continued to service Epstein long after everyone knew his criminal record. Internal compliance failures have since been acknowledged, but the broader question remains unanswered: how did a convicted sex offender retain access to the global banking system at the highest level? Who judged the risk acceptable – and why?

Geopolitical leverage

Further evidence of Mossad’s fingerprints emerges in Epstein’s dealings with international crises. Emails from July 2011, just a month before Muammar Gaddafi’s fall, show Epstein and associate Greg Brown plotting to recover up to $80bn in frozen Libyan funds, assets deemed sovereign, stolen, or misappropriated by Western powers.

Brown believed the true amount could be four times higher, reaching $320bn. Their scheme involved leveraging MI6 and Mossad agents to extort concessions from postwar Libya, still assumed under Gaddafi’s control, in exchange for returning the funds for “reconstruction”.

This wasn’t mere opportunism; it points to Epstein’s role in geopolitical manoeuvring, using intelligence networks for financial and strategic gains aligned with Israeli interests.

The real Epstein scandal

The conclusion, then, is not a lurid morality tale about “bad people doing bad things,” nor the tired revelation that royals, celebrities, or billionaires behave with impunity. That much is already obvious. Child abusers exist across every class and every society. What does not exist everywhere is a system that records, archives, weaponises, and protects that abuse for strategic ends.

The Epstein case points not to isolated depravity, but to structured leverage: an architecture of blackmail in which sexual crimes become instruments of power rather than grounds for prosecution. That is why the fixation on individual scandal – princes, parties, and gossip – functions as misdirection.

The real scandal is the evidence of an intelligence-linked operation in which Mossad repeatedly appears as a point of reference, protection, and utility; an operation that embedded itself across politics, finance, media, and celebrity culture.

Not all abusers are documented and not all are shielded. And not all become untouchable.

Epstein did because he was useful. Until this is discussed in those terms, as a question of foreign influence, the story will remain trapped in spectacle, and the system it exposes will remain intact.

Featured image via the Canary