Johnson vows to press on with Brexit after Supreme Court bombshell

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Boris Johnson has vowed to press on with his plans for Brexit despite a devastating ruling by Britain’s highest court that his suspension of parliament was unlawful.

The prime minister said he would abide by the finding of the Supreme Court that the five-week prorogation was “void and of no effect” – even though he disagreed with its conclusion.

Following the legal bombshell, Commons speaker John Bercow announced that MPs would return to Westminster on Wednesday with the House sitting at 11.30am.

The ruling prompted immediate demands from the opposition for Johnson to quit amid claims his position had become untenable.

Downing Street insisted there was no question of Johnson – who was in New York for the UN General Assembly when the result was announced – stepping aside.

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A No 10 source said: “The PM will not resign following the judgment.”

While the prime minister, who will fly back to the UK overnight, said the return of MPs would go ahead, he made clear his unhappiness with the court’s “unusual judgment”.

“I strongly disagree with this decision of the Supreme Court,” he told reporters.

“I have the utmost respect for our judiciary, I don’t think this was the right decision, I think that the prorogation has been used for centuries without this kind of challenge.

“I think the most important thing is we get on and deliver Brexit on October 31, and clearly the claimants in this case are determined to frustrate that and to stop that.

“I think it would be very unfortunate if parliament made that objective which the people want more difficult but we will get on.”

Announcing the result, the court’s president Lady Hale said the government’s advice to the queen to prorogue parliament was unlawful because “it had the effect of frustrating or preventing the ability of parliament to carry out its constitutional functions without reasonable justification”.

She said the prolonged suspension of parliamentary democracy took place in the “quite exceptional circumstances” of the UK’s impending exit from the EU on 31 October.

She added: “Parliament, and in particular the House of Commons as the elected representatives of the people, has a right to a voice in how that change comes about.

“The effect upon the fundamentals of our democracy was extreme.”

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  • Show Comments
    1. Johnson models himself upon ‘strong’ men such as Churchill, his new friend Trump, and a raft of historically disreputable folk including Julius Caesar, the Borgias, Mussolini, Stalin, and Blair.

      Each of these ‘knew’ what was good for their nation. Setting aside Churchill, each had a keen eye on what was advantageous to them as individuals (acquisition of power and/or dynastic wealth),

      ‘Strong’ men don’t crumble when faced by obstacles. They know what must be done. The means might be regrettable but casualties along the way to the end (nameless victims of warfare, smashing state institutions, subverting law, blackening the character of good men, and literally sacrificing honest men standing in the way e.g. Dr Kelly) ultimately are justified. ‘Strong’ leaders have shoulders to bear this burden. Emerging triumphant wipes the moral slate clean; at least for those sufficiently introspective to consider that dimension.

      Johnson and his cronies share a common goal. It is for themselves and their kind rather than for the polity. Their intent is to ensure Mrs Thatcher’s introduction of neo-liberal doctrine runs its full course and becomes irreversible. Immense opportunities arise for Johnson, his parliamentary co-conspirators, and their backers, the real powers in the land, to plunder the UK economy for self-enrichment. ‘No-deal’ Brexit is the key to the Ayn Rand style (to them) utopia they intend to unleash. Closer ties with the USA through trade deals advantageous to the USA will seal the fate of neo-liberalism.

      Perhaps Johnson truly believes his vision is for betterment of humanity; one cannot criticise Hitler, Goebbels, and Himmler, for lack of sincerity. Despite evidence to the contrary regarding the UK’s social fabric Johnson might be acting on assumption that only unbridled neo-liberalism can cure ills. Deep faith in the notion that only private enterprise is capable of running infrastructure (e.g. public utilities and railways) and health services efficiently. Belief that regulation (known to others as enforced probity) has no place in financial markets and their products. Markets know best, they must not be impeded in displaying their wisdom.

      Johnson’s life history makes it more likely he believes in nothing other than his own prosperity and comfort. His off-stage life suggests complete lack of moral imperative in personal relationships; it is hard to believe he is Dr Jekyll in public life and Mr Hyde in private. Unlike Mrs Thatcher who does appear to have believed what she was misled into, Johnson comes across as shallow opportunist.

      Johnson lacks the intellect and depth of character portrayed by the ‘strong’ men he admires. He has not strength of will to hold his wavering disciples around him. He is a man of straw waiting to be set alight.


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