Boris Johnson ‘could face no-confidence vote next week’

The Canary

Opposition parties could stage a vote of confidence in the Government next week in a bid to thwart a no-deal Brexit, a senior SNP MP has said.

Stewart Hosie said the plan – to put in place an interim government to secure a Brexit extension – appeared to be the only way to ensure Britain did not “crash out” of the EU on October 31.

However, he acknowledged that in order to succeed, it would require all the opposition parties to get behind it.

But while the SNP have indicated they could support a temporary government led by Jeremy Corbyn, the Liberal Democrats and many of the Tory rebels who had the whip withdrawn have made clear they are not prepared to put the Labour leader in No 10.

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Brexit
Stewart Hosie said a no-confidence vote may be the only way to prevent a no-deal Brexit (PA)

Hosie, however, warned that they may have no other option if they were serious about preventing a no-deal Brexit and securing a further extension to the Article 50 withdrawal process.

“We have to do that because there is now no confidence that the prime minister will obey the law and seek the extension that parliament voted for only a few weeks ago,” he told the BBC Radio 4 Today programme.

“If we are serious about the extension, that is the only game in town.”

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    1. I think a VoNC in Johnson and his government is a risky thing to do. However, it is still the right thing to do. Those that up to now have opposed Johnson’s government must know that if they do not support this NC vote and enable a government of unity to be installed will not be forgiven by those who vehemently oppose a no-deal Brexit.

      Moreover, more broadly they will be seen as opportunist tribalists, who do not have the future of this country in mind but only their party.

    2. Are politicians capable of swallowing pride for advancement of a goal eclipsing their individual and party ambitions?

      ‘Crisis’ is a term overused in politics but in this instance it is apt. As matters stand, Brexit fever must resolve by the end of October: ‘life’ versus ‘death’, with disagreement over which of the ‘deal’/’no-deal’ outcomes represents ‘life’. To many, myself included, ‘no-deal’ represents life worse than death.

      How the current impasse was reached reflects badly on Conservative leadership of the UK, on parliamentary procedure and competence, on opposition parties, and on quality of public discussion fostered by news media, these sadly including the BBC. However, that is all water under the bridge. Recrimination and analysis may occupy minds for years to come but offer no solution to the immediate problem.

      Anyone standing aside from the day to day political fray becomes easily aware of the ersatz nature of the ‘crisis’. Two options remain for avoiding precipitate decision fuelled by shallow sentiment, narrow vested interest, and muddy ideology. These are revoke Article 50 or seek an extension of negotiations. The Article 50 option is wholly in the hands of the UK government; it is the true ‘backstop’ and the only one worth discussion at this point. Reaching a deal before the deadline is an illusory and nonsense third option. Just any deal, one rushed into for its own sake, would serve neither the UK nor the EU well. It would leave a cluster of anomalies, and loose ends, likely to sour UK politics and relationship with the EU for years to come.

      One or other of the two stated options must be deployed to abort the arbitrary deadline. Seemingly, the only certain means rests with opposition parties deposing Johnson and offering to the monarch a name for leader of a crisis temporary government until a general election can be arranged.

      This is a matter of depth going far beyond traditional party rivalries. It is means to a single agreed end after which political business may resume as usual. Leaders of the opposition parties and factions have a rare opportunity to demonstrate statesmanship. Although I have a preference, I really don’t much care whose name emerges as interim prime minister. That person would be obliged to form an opposition coalition government. Departments of state would require political leadership during the run up to a general election. Secretary of state appointments and a cabinet would be necessary. A senior position for each of the opposition party leaders, plus someone from the group of expelled Conservatives, would salve wounded pride at not being appointed interim prime minister. There would be no need to fill junior ministerial posts because the civil service may be relied upon to function under autopilot, this likely more effectively than in the usual circumstance.

      Personal pride must be set aside in order to make sure Johnson and his bunch of narcissistic psychopaths fail in their putsch. Perhaps at the forthcoming general election the people, regardless of views on the principle of Brexit, shall put the boot in and ensure that Johnson and his self-serving cronies never set foot in Westminster again.

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    3. Once Corbyn has helped the anti-democratic Remainers overthrow the democratic referendum result I very much doubt they’ll do the democratic thing and help put him in power. Why start with democracy now? And even if they did, the real test is how many Brexit voters he’s lost for his duplicity.

      You may get your anti-democratic result but it may have cost you your democratic one.

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